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Sovereignty association

In the politics of Canada, sovereignty-association (in French étapisme) was the proposal that Quebec become a politically independent state, but maintain a formal association with Canada, especially regarding economic affairs.

It was part of the 1976 separatist platform that swept the Parti Québécois (PQ) into power in that year's provincial election and that included a promise to hold a referendum on sovereignty-association. PQ leader René Lévesque, who led the party from 1968 to 1985, developed the idea of sovereignty-association to reduce the fear that an independent Quebec would face tough economic times. In fact, this proposal did result in an increase in support for a sovereign Quebec: polls at the time showed that people were more likely to support independence if Quebec maintained an economic partnership with Canada.

The first Quebec referendum on sovereignty in 1980 was to decide whether the provincial government should begin to negotiate sovereignty with the federal government in Ottawa. The results of those negotiations would have been put to the public in a second referendum.

In 1979, the PQ began an aggressive effort to promote sovereignty-association by providing details of how the economic relations with the rest of Canada would include free trade between Canada and Quebec, common tariffs against imports, and a common currency. In addition, joint political institutions would be established to administer these economic arrangements. But the separatist cause was hurt as many anglophone politicians (most notably the premiers of several of the other provinces) publicly refused to negotiate an economic association with an independent Quebec, contributing to the Yes side losing the referendum by a vote of 60 percent to 40 percent.

This loss laid the groundwork for the 1995 referendum, which asked only if Quebec should offer a new economic and political partnership to the rest of Canada before declaring independence. An English translation of the question reads, "We, the people of Quebec, declare it our own will to be in full possession of all the powers of a state; to levy all our taxes, to vote on all our laws, to sign all our treaties and to exercise the highest power of all, conceiving, and controlling, by ourselves, our fundamental law."

And in this case, the rest of Canada's acceptance would not have been a requirement for sovereignty. This time, the separatists lost in a very close vote: 50.6 percent to 49.4 percent, or only 53 498 votes out of more than 4 700 000 votes cast. However, after the vote many within the separatist camp were very upset that the vote broke down heavily along language lines. Approximately 90 percent of English speakers and allophones (mostly immigrants and first-generation Quebecers whose native language is neither French nor English) Quebecers voted No, while almost 60 percent of francophones voted Yes, and 82 percent of Quebecers are francophone. Quebec Premier Jacques Parizeau, whose government supported souverainisme, attributed the defeat of the resolution to "l'argent et le vote ethnique" (money and the ethnic vote) rather than to a failure to address the needs and concerns of anglophone and allophone residents of Quebec. Mr. Parizeau quickly disavowed this remark as unfortunate and acknowledged that it was justly disapproved. In his remarks on election night he did also state that achieving sovereignty would depend on increasing sovereignist support among francophones rather than among anglophones and allophones (an external link below provides an extract from Mr. Parizeau's remarks). However, by 2003 Mr. Parizeau was promoting the view that support for svereignty could be won among ethnic minorities.

While opponents of sovereignty were pleased with their referendum victory, most recognized that there are still deep divides within Quebec and problems with the relationship between Quebec and the rest of Canada.

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